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Lash, Elliott, “Transitivity and subject positions in Old Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 117 (2019).
: <link>
Available before publication (Oct 2019). Bibliographic details may change.
abstract:
This article is concerned with some fine‐grained distinctions in the syntax of subjects in Old Irish. Old Irish (7th–9th century) is typically described as a VSO language, but there are a number of sentences in the corpus in which the subject is not immediately after the subject. In this paper two case studies are conducted the results of which show that (a) non‐final late subjects are confined to non‐transitive and ‘atypical transitive’ clauses having the general form VXSY, and (b) the position of final late subjects in the schema VXS# can understood in descriptive terms as ‘right‐dislocated’ and motivated largely in information structure terms (i.e. Topic‐Comment, Focus‐Alternative), although a small residue of examples are similar to the VXSY‐type of case in being ‘atypical transitives’. The descriptive term ‘atypical transitive’ is introduced here to cover morphologically transitive clauses (with accusative marked direct objects nouns, or pronouns that can replace such nouns) that behave syntactically more like non‐transitive clauses. There are four types: negative clauses with bare indefinite objects, clauses with object‐oriented floating quantifiers, clauses in which a pronominal object serves to ‘detransitivize’ the verb, and clauses containing a verb of motion whose direct object is the goal of movement.
Eska, Joseph F., “Laryngeal realism and the prehistory of Celtic”, Transactions of the Philological Society 116:3 (November, 2018): 320–331.
abstract:
This paper examines the proto‐Celtic plosive system through the lens of Laryngeal Realism. Drawing upon phonetic data from contemporary Celtic languages and philological data from medieval Insular Celtic and ancient Continental Celtic languages, it concludes that the active Laryngeal feature in these languages is not [voice], but [spread glottis], and that this feature should be projected back to proto‐Celtic. Such an analysis allows for a much more straightforward analysis of the evolution of the early Celtic plosive system, and, in particular, allows for a non‐stipulative analysis of perhaps the best known of Celtic sound changes, the loss of proto‐IE */p/, in simple aerodynamic terms. It is demonstrated, furthermore, that the loss of proto‐IE */p/ cannot be explained by contact with pre‐Basque or Iberian, but, instead, was, in all likelihood, a natural development.
Kennard, Holly J., “Non‐negative word order in Breton: maintaining verb‐second”, Transactions of the Philological Society 116:2 (2018): 153–178.
abstract:
This paper examines variation in Breton word order patterns in non‐negative utterances across speakers of different ages. Not only has there been some disagreement on how best to characterise unmarked word order in Breton, it has also been claimed that younger speakers of so‐called Neo‐Breton overuse subject‐initial word order under influence from French. Data from fieldwork provide a complex picture of word order variability. This seems to be driven by a number of factors, including the nature of the subject (lexical or pronominal), regional variation among older speakers, and a corresponding lack of regional features among younger speakers. Rather than overusing subject‐initial word order, the Neo‐Breton speakers tend to avoid this word order pattern when other word orders are available, such that the verb‐second pattern is being maintained.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “IE *peug′‐ /*peuk′‐ ‘to pierce’ in Celtic: Old Irish og ‘sharp point’, ogam, and uaigid ‘stitches’, Gallo‐Latin Mars Ugius, Old Welsh ‐ug and Middle Welsh ‐y ‘fist’, Middle Welsh vch ‘fox’, and ancient names like Uccius”, Transactions of the Philological Society 116:1 (March, 2018): 117–130.
abstract:
A systematic search for Celtic derivatives of IE *peug′‐ /*peuk′‐ ‘to pierce’ illustrates the extent to which Indo‐European etymological dictionaries have tended to overlook the existence of cognates in the Celtic languages.
Vaan, Michiel de, “Reduplicated demonstratives in ancient Indo-European languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 113 (March, 2015): 38–52.
abstract:
This paper discusses the occurrence of reduplicated demonstrative pronouns in the older Indo-European languages and analyses their usage in the light of general linguistic insights into reduplication and demonstrative pronouns. The main aim is to find out whether the attested and reconstructed reduplicated demonstratives were inherited from Proto-Indo-European or arose at a later stage in the individual branches. I will discuss evidence from Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, the ancient Italic languages (Latin and the Sabellic branch), and the Celtic languages.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “The four types of Welsh yn”, Transactions of the Philological Society 113:3 (2015): 271–406.
abstract:
This paper discusses and categorises the various medieval and modern Welsh prepositions and particles yn and the initial mutations that follow them. It investigates possible manuscript variants such as Old Welsh int and it and Middle Welsh y, and examines variations in mutation. Historical explanations are suggested, including a new explanation of the absence of mutation in the productive yn + verbal noun construction, which is argued to have spread from the construction in which possessive pronouns between yn and the verbal nouns of intransitive stative verbs prevented yn from mutating the verbal nouns.
García Castillero, Carlos, “The type tánicc in the Old Irish glosses: affix ordering, frequency and phonotactics”, Transactions of the Philological Society 113 (March, 2015): 76–104.
abstract:
In this paper I investigate OIr. lexical compound verbs with the basic deuterotonic (deut.) shape CV·VC-, of the type of expected *do·ánicc ‘he, she came’ or ‘who came’ which actually occurs in the prototonic (prot.) form tánicc. On the basis of the notions of affix ordering, frequency and junctural phonotactics developed in recent works on experimental psycholinguistics, the OIr. forms of the type tánicc are explained as relatively late innovations in which the deut. are replaced by prot. forms. The extension of the prot. form in those lexical compound verbs at the expense of the deut. form is due to the phonotactically problematic hiatus of the latter and depends mainly on grammatical (in leniting relative clause forms) and lexical (in the most frequent verbs) criteria.
Nurmio, Silva, “Collective nouns in Welsh: a noun category or a plural allomorph?”, Transactions of the Philological Society 115:1 (2015): 58–78.
abstract:
A noun category in Welsh which has a shorter form for a collection/plural meaning and a suffixed singulative for a single instance has been described in the literature as both a number category and a plural allomorph, often with terminological ambiguity and blurring of boundaries between different noun types. This paper is an investigation of the features of these nouns using a number of theoretical approaches which cumulatively support the argument that collective can be considered a full number category in Welsh.
Pronk, Tijmen, “Singulative n-stems in Indo-European”, Transactions of the Philological Society 113:3 (2015): 327–348.
abstract:
Most Indo-European n-stem nouns are either individualizing, e.g. Avestan marətan- ‘mortal’, i.e. ‘the dead one’, or they denote body parts, e.g. Greek ōlḗn ‘elbow’. In this article, it is argued that most Indo-European n-stems denoting body parts originally had a singulative function, denoting a single instance of a body part of which the body has more than one. This analysis allows us to connect the ‘body part’ function of the Indo-European suffix *-n- to its well-established individualizing function. The following evidence in favour of a singulative suffix *-n- will be discussed: (1) the productive singulative suffix *-(e)n-i̯o- in Celtic; (2) suppletive paradigms in various Indo-European languages in which a singular is (based on) an n-stem, e.g. Armenian duṙn, pl. durk‘ ‘door, gate’, Gothic kaurno ‘single grain’, kaurn ‘corn’, Russian súdno, pl. sudá ‘vessel’; and 3) words for body parts naturally occurring in pairs or larger quantities which are attested with and without the nasal suffix, e.g. Armenian akn, Gothic augo and Old Prussian agins ‘eye’, but without a nasal Greek ósse and Old Church Slavic oči ‘eyes’.
Iosad, Pavel, “Welsh svarabhakti as stem allomorphy”, Transactions of the Philological Society 115:2 (2015): 141–175.
abstract:
In this paper I propose an analysis of the repairs of sonority sequencing violations in South Welsh in terms of a non‐phonological process of stem allomorphy. As documented by Hannahs (2009), modern Welsh uses a variety of strategies to avoid word‐final rising‐sonority consonant clusters, depending in part on the number of syllables in the word. In particular, while some lexical items epenthesise a copy of the rightmost underlying vowel in the word, others delete one of the consonants in a cluster. In this paper, I argue that at least the deletion is not a live phonological process, and suggest viewing it as an instance of stem allomorphy in a stratal Optimality Theory (OT) framework (Bermúdez‐Otero 2013). This accounts for the lexical specificity of the pattern, which has been understated in the literature, and for the fact that cyclic misapplication of deletion and diachronic change are constrained by part‐of‐speech boundaries.
García Castillero, Carlos, “Morphological externalisation and the Old Irish verbal particle ro”, Transactions of the Philological Society 111:1 (March, 2013): 108–140.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “Variation in Middle Welsh conjugated prepositions: chronology, register and dialect”, Transactions of the Philological Society 111:1 (March, 2013): 1–50.
Parsons, David N., “Sabrina in the thorns: place-names as evidence for British and Latin in Roman Britain”, Transactions of the Philological Society 109:2 (July, 2011): 113–137.
Thier, Katrin, “Language and technology: some examples from seafaring (Germanic and Celtic)”, Transactions of the Philological Society 109:2 (July, 2011): 186–199.
Russell, Paul, “Latin and British in Roman and Post-Roman Britain: methodology and morphology”, Transactions of the Philological Society 109:2 (July, 2011): 138–157.
Benskin, Michael, “Present indicative plural concord in Brittonic and Early English”, Transactions of the Philological Society 109:2 (July, 2011): 158–185.
abstract:
In northern Middle English and Middle Scots, a verb in the present indicative plural ends in -e (later zero) if the subject is an adjacent personal pronoun; otherwise it ends in -s. This ‘northern subject rule’ is generally supposed to have become established in early Middle English. Its history is undocumented, but the idea that it arose from contact with Celtic has recently gained ground. The case is here reviewed, and though still far from compelling, is found better than has previously appeared. Regardless of language contact, it is shown that the system evident in the rule is independent of the suffix in -s, and could have arisen very early in Old English. Central to the account are the origins of the reduced inflection, and the loss at syllable boundaries of Old English h (Germanic χ).
Laker, Stephen, and Paul Russell, “Languages of early Britain: introduction”, Transactions of the Philological Society 109:2 (July, 2011): 109–112.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “The spread of ‘sandhi h-’ in thirteenth-century Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 108:1 (March, 2010): 41–52.
abstract:
After a hiatus following the Old Welsh period, Welsh manuscript evidence resumes c. 1250, and can now be studied in minute detail owing to the construction of a palaeographical chronology for the manuscripts and the availability of machine-readable and other modern editions. These reveal that the so-called ‘sandhi h-’ after first-person pronouns in modern literary Welsh is not ancient, but slowly emerged in the late thirteenth century as a hypercorrect phonetic tendency after nasal consonants which gradually became grammaticalised after pronouns ending in a nasal.
Laker, Stephen, “The English negative comparative particle”, Transactions of the Philological Society 106:1 (March, 2008): 1–28.
abstract:
The most common dialectal alternative to the Modern English comparative particle than is a negative form with variants such as ne, na, and nor, e.g. You’re my son – more to me nor any son (Dickens, Great Expectations ii. xx). This paper presents a detailed historical survey of this dialectal usage in varieties of British and Irish English, and offers an assessment of its regional distribution since the medieval period. The paper also investigates the possible origins of the form, first highlighting some problems of previous analyses, before comparing and contrasting the use of negation in comparative constructions in French and Insular Celtic. The evidence strongly suggests that the negative comparative particle in English should be seen as an areal feature of the British Isles, and that language contact with Celtic lies at the root of it.
Willis, David, “Specifier-to-head reanalyses in the complementizer domain: evidence from Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 105:3 (November, 2007): 432–480.
Coates, Richard, “Four pre-English river names in and around Fenland: Chater, Granta, Nene and Welland”, Transactions of the Philological Society 103:3 (December, 2005): 303–322.
abstract:
In the context of discussion by Vennemann (1994) and Kitson (1996) in this journal about the linguistic nature of some ancient European river-names, I offer accounts of four unexplained or unsatisfactorily explained names in England. I argue that these four are pre-English in origin: that one (Granta) is Old European, in the sense of the term introduced by Hans Krahe (1962, 1964) whose position informs Kitson’s work, and that the other three can be interpreted as British Celtic, borrowed into Old English [OE] at the Neo-Brittonic stage datable to c.400–600 C.E.
Uhlich, Jürgen, “Verbal governing compounds (synthetics) in Early Irish and other Celtic languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 100:3 (December, 2002): 403–433.
Isaac, Graham R., “The function and typology of absolute and conjunct flexion in early Celtic: some hints from Ancient Egyptian”, Transactions of the Philological Society 99 (2001, 2001): 145–168.
Borsley, Robert D., and Bob Morris Jones, “The syntax of Welsh negation”, Transactions of the Philological Society 98 (2000, 2000): 15–47.
Coates, Richard, “A new explanation of the name of London”, Transactions of the Philological Society 96 (1998, 1998): 203–229.
Kitson, P. R., “British and European river-names”, Transactions of the Philological Society 94 (1996, 1996): 73–118.
abstract:
This paper examines Eilert Ekwall’s English river-names (1928) in the light of pan-continental ‘Old European’ river-naming patterns investigated by Hans Krahe and his followers. Significantly many Celtic-looking names are shown to represent reshapings of older names not specifically Celtic with meanings more frequently to do with water or flowing than Ekwall thought. The Indo-Europeanness of alteuropäisch river-names is upheld emphatically, with a critique of Vennemann’s (1994) contrary arguments. Its Common (not just western) Indo-European origin is emphasized, yielding rational explanations for such features as the frequency of the vowel a. The kind of reshaping already demonstrated for insular Celtic is seen to have been recurrent in the history of alteuropäisch river-names generally, with developments in particular groups conditioned by their wider linguistic development, e.g. loss of the -nt- participle in Celtic.
Poppe, Erich, “Convergence and divergence: the emergence of a ‘future’ in the British languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 94 (1996, 1996): 119–160.
abstract:
The future paradigms of Modern Welsh and Modern Breton have historically different sources, the present indicative and present subjunctive respectively. This article presents evidence for the uses of these paradigms in medieval texts, from an earlier stage in the process of grammaticalization of the future. An explanation for the present and future readings of Middle Welsh verbs is suggested which is based on the inherent aspectuality of the verb, and some typological parallels for the developments in Welsh and Breton are discussed.
Press, J. Ian, “Barriers to the standardization of the Breton language”, Transactions of the Philological Society 93 (1995, 1995): 51–93.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “Some problems in deciphering the early Irish Ogam alphabet”, Transactions of the Philological Society 91 (1993, 1993): 133–180.
Russell, Paul, “Preverbs, prepositions and adverbs: sigmatic and asigmatic”, Transactions of the Philological Society 86 (1988, 1988): 144–172.
Jasanoff, Jay H., “Old Irish tair ‘come!’”, Transactions of the Philological Society 84 (1986, 1986): 132–141.
Law, Vivien, “Linguistics in the earlier Middle Ages: the Insular and Carolingian grammarians”, Transactions of the Philological Society 83 (1985, 1985): 171–193.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “The double system of verbal inflexion in Old Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 82 (1984, 1984): 138–201.
Hamp, Eric P., “Welsh dryll, Breton drailh, Old Breton drosion, IE *dhrus-”, Transactions of the Philological Society 73 (1974, 1975): 128–145.
Greene, David, “The growth of palatalization in Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 72 (1973, 1974): 127–136.
Wagner, Heinrich, “The origin of the Celts in the light of linguistic geography”, Transactions of the Philological Society 68 (1969, 1970): 203–250.
Ó Cuív, Brian, “Linguistic terminology in the mediaeval Irish bardic tracts”, Transactions of the Philological Society 64 (1965, 1966): 141–164.
Lockwood, W. B., “Word taboo in Faroese: remarks on Gaelic-Scandinavian contacts and a note on English ingle”, Transactions of the Philological Society 60 (1961, 1962): 1–16.
Binchy, D. A., “Linguistic and legal archaisms in the Celtic law-books”, Transactions of the Philological Society 58 (1959, 1960): 14–24.
Dillon, Myles, “On the syntax of the Irish verb”, Transactions of the Philological Society 54 (1955, 1956): 104–116.
Gray, Louis H., “The Gaulish-Italic datives singular of stems in -o”, Transactions of the Philological Society 50 (1951, 1951): 159–160.
Dillon, Myles, “Celtic and other Indo-European languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 46 (1947, 1948): 15–24.
Dillon, Myles, “The negative and intensive prefixes in Irish and the origin of Modern Irish an ‘very; great’”, Transactions of the Philological Society 43 (1944, 1945): 94–107.
Internet Archive: <link>
Dillon, Myles, “The sigmatic forms of the Old Irish verb”, Transactions of the Philological Society 42 (1943, 1944): 40–53.
Internet Archive: <link>
Ross, A. S. C., “Notes on some English loan-words in Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 42 (1943, 1944): 1–4.
Internet Archive: <link>
Foster, Idris L., “A survey of some recent works on the syntax of Irish and Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 40 (1941, 1941): 16–42.
Mawer, A., “Notes on the place-names of Devon”, Transactions of the Philological Society 31 (1931–2, 1933): 68–72.
Baudiš, Josef, “Synopsis of Irish phonology”, Transactions of the Philological Society 28 (1917–20, 1932): 79–97.
Evans, E. D. Priestley, “The Severn and other Wye rivers”, Transactions of the Philological Society 30 (1925–30, 1931): 260–270.
Quiggin, E. C., “Some Celtic river names”, Transactions of the Philological Society 27 (1911–6, 1916): 99–100.
Flower, Robin, “The Irish manuscripts in the British Museum”, Transactions of the Philological Society 27 (1911–6, 1916): 118–122.
Strachan, John, “Contributions to the history of Middle Irish declension”, Transactions of the Philological Society 25 (1903–6, 1906): 202–246.
Internet Archive: <link>
Strachan, John, “The substantive verb in the Old Irish glosses”, Transactions of the Philological Society 24 (1898–9, 1899): 1–82.
Hart, Henry Chichester, “Notes on Ulster dialect, chiefly Donegal”, Transactions of the Philological Society 24 (1898–9, 1899): 86–112.
Strachan, John, “The verbal system of the Saltair na rann”, Transactions of the Philological Society 23 (1895–8, 1898): 1–76.
Strachan, John, “On the uses of the subjunctive mood in Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 23 (1895–8, 1898): 225–356.
Staples, J. H., “Semi-vowels, or border sounds of consonants and vowels, as exemplified in some of the Romance and Germanic languages and in English, Gaelic and Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 23 (1895–8, 1898): 194–211.
Strachan, John, “On the use of the particle ro- with preterital tenses in Old Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 23 (1895–8, 1898): 77–193.
Staples, J. H., “Notes on Ulster English dialect for comparison with English dialects by the late A. J. Ellis, F. R. S.”, Transactions of the Philological Society 23 (1895–8, 1898): 357–398.
Staples, J. H., “On Gaelic phonetics”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 396–404.
Rhys, John, “The Celts and the other Aryans of the p and q groups”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 104–131.
Strachan, John, “Etymologies”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 289–296.
Stokes, Whitley, “On the assimilation of pretonic n in Celtic suffixes”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 297–307.
Strachan, John, “The compensatory lengthening of vowels in Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 217–260.
Strachan, John, “Contributions to the history of the deponent verb in Irish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 22 (1891–94, 1894): 444–568.
Stokes, Whitley, “On the linguistic value of the Irish annals”, Transactions of the Philological Society 21 (1888–90, 1891): 365–433.
Journal volume: Internet Archive: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “On professor Atkinson’s edition of The passions and homilies in the Lebar Brecc”, Transactions of the Philological Society 21 (1888–90, 1891): 203–234.
Journal volume: Internet Archive: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “On s-stems in the Celtic languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 21 (1888–90, 1891): 100–111.
Journal volume: Internet Archive: <link>
Thurneysen, Rudolf, “Celtic philology 1880–1886”, Transactions of the Philological Society 20 (1885–7, 1887): 385–393.
Stokes, Whitley, “Celtic declension”, Transactions of the Philological Society 20 (1885–7, 1887): 97–201.
OʼGrady, Standish Hayes, “Remarks on the Oxford edition of The Battle of Ventry”, Transactions of the Philological Society 20 (1885–7, 1887): 619–646.
Stokes, Whitley, “The Neo-Celtic verb substantive”, Transactions of the Philological Society 20 (1885–7, 1887): 202–259.
Stokes, Whitley, “The Breton glosses at Orleans”, Transactions of the Philological Society 20 (1885–7, 1887): 539–618.
Ellis, Alexander J., “On the delimitation of the English and Welsh languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 19 (1882–4, 1885): 5–40.
Sweet, Henry, “Spoken North Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 19 (1882–4, 1885): 409–484.
Bonaparte, Louis Lucien, “Initial mutations in the living Celtic, Basque, Sardinian, and Italian dialects”, Transactions of the Philological Society 19 (1882–4, 1885): 155–202.
Powel, Thomas, “The treatment of English borrowed words in colloquial Welsh”, Transactions of the Philological Society 19 (1882–4, 1885): 355–378.
Browne, Walter R., “Distribution of place-names in the Scottish Lowlands”, Transactions of the Philological Society 18 (1880–1, 1881): 322–334.
Ellis, Alexander J., “The Anglo-Cymric score”, Transactions of the Philological Society 17 (1877–9, 1879): 316–372.
Internet Archive: <link>
Jenner, Henry, “The Manx language: its grammar, literature, and present state”, Transactions of the Philological Society 16 (1875–6, 1877): 172–197.
Internet Archive: <link>
Jenner, Henry, “Traditional relics of the Cornish language in Mounts Bay in 1875”, Transactions of the Philological Society 16 (1875–6, 1877): 533–542.
Internet Archive: <link>
Gaidoz, Henri, “Celtic philology”, Transactions of the Philological Society 15 (1873–1874): 377–382.
HathiTrust: <link>
Jenner, Henry, “The Cornish language”, Transactions of the Philological Society 15 (1873–1874): 165–186.
HathiTrust: <link>
Murray, James A. H., “The dialect of the southern counties of Scotland. Appendix: present limits of the Celtic in Scotland”, Transactions of the Philological Society 14:2 (1870–1872): 231–237.
HathiTrust: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “Note on Endlicher’s Gaulish glossary”, Transactions of the Philological Society 13 (1868–1869): 251–254.
HathiTrust: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “A Cornish glossary”, Transactions of the Philological Society 13 (1868–1869): 137–250.
HathiTrust: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “Accusative plural in the British languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 13 (1868–1869): 255–256.
HathiTrust: <link>
Siegfried, R. T., and Whitley Stokes [ed.], “Miscellanea Celtica”, Transactions of the Philological Society 12 (1867 [issued 1868]): 252–304.
HathiTrust: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “Remarks on a lately published Middle-Breton mystery”, Transactions of the Philological Society 12 (1867 [issued 1868]): 22–41.
HathiTrust: <link>
Stokes, Whitley, “The Middle-Breton irregular verbs”, Transactions of the Philological Society 12 (1867 [issued 1868]): 114–166.
HathiTrust: <link>
Rhŷs, John, “The passive verbs of the Latin and the Keltic languages”, Transactions of the Philological Society 10 (1865 [issued 1866]): 293–306.
Nash, D. W., “On Gaulish names”, Transactions of the Philological Society 10 (1865 [issued 1866]): 97–139.
Stokes, Whitley, “Notes on comparative syntax”, Transactions of the Philological Society 7 (1860-1861, 1861): 168–171.
Stokes, Whitley, “On the third person singular imperative active in Cornish”, Transactions of the Philological Society 7 (1860–1861): 171–172.
Stokes, Whitley, “The play of the sacrament, a Middle English drama, edited from a manuscript in the library of Trinity College, Dublin”, Transactions of the Philological Society 7 (1860–1861): 101–152.
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